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Reporter
Malpractice, Texas Hold-em &
the Plame Game
Reporters are obligated to the truth, and allowing themselves
to be pimped by those who would use them as tools against
the truth is a crime against the profession and the society
it serves. Protecting that which you are bound to expose
is malpractice.
By
Sam Smith
(July
18, 2005) -- Judith Miller
is in the slammer, and the consensus among journalists and
news agencies is that her jailing represents a dangerous assault
on press freedoms. Most commentators rightly note that confidentiality
is essential to effective investigative reporting, and the
Cleveland Plain Dealer's decision to kill two stories over
fear of legal retribution is offered as evidence that the
nuclear winter is upon us already.
However,
it strikes me that the Plame/Miller/Cooper debacle is being
framed in way that tells us more about the current psychology
of the news industry than it does the actual merits of the
case. In short: In what way is the Judith Miller case (and
the one involving Matt Cooper) even about journalism?
First, the reporter must be acting in his/her capacity as
a journalist. Obviously, whatever privileges a reporter may
enjoy, they do not extend beyond professional "on-the-clock"
activities (not that journalism is a 9-to-5 job).
Second,
the source must be acting in the context of story development.
"Source" isn't a job title, and just because someone was a
source last month and might well be a source again next month,
it doesn't mean that the person is a source this month if
there's no story being pursued. Source confidentiality isn't
like popularized conceptions of diplomatic immunity.
Third,
the source must be providing information on an actual story.
If there is no story, there is no source in a particular instance.
While
acknowledging that this case is far too complex to be thoroughly
covered in a few hundred words, and that there's still a lot
we don't know about what exactly happened, enough information
exists for us to suspect that Miller's source probably doesn't
have a legitimate claim to confidentiality, and most of the
problem lies with the second and third conditions.
Let's
start with the source -- call him Bob Whitehouse. Bob has
been a valuable source in the past, and a high-powered reporter
like Judy has every reason to believe he'll be an essential
source in the future. So Bob and Judy are talking, and Bob
tells Judy that Valerie Plame/Wilson is a CIA operative. In
doing so, Bob either commits a serious felony or takes a vindictive
cheap shot at a hated administration critic, depending on
your interpretation.
It's
not news that the U.S. has an intelligence agency, and it's
not news that some of the agencies employees are double-naught
spies. Further, the name of Valerie Plame isn't news, either
-- there's nothing about her that makes her identity lede-worthy
according to any standards of journalism I've ever seen. (If
the agent were, say, Michael Jackson, that might be news,
especially in today's Big Media world.)
At
this point, there isn't a story in what the contact is offering
(the New York Times never ran a story suggesting that this
was news); the contact's actions themselves do constitute
a story ("Did White House official violate U.S. law in outing
CIA operative?" is showing serious legs); and finally, the
contact has implicated the reporter in an expansive web of
intrigue that may result in the reporter going to prison.
This
last part is key because it goes to the core of the implicit
contract between reporter and source. A great deal of attention
has been focused on the misguided idea that naming Whitehouse
would violate a sacred trust, but this view misunderstands
the responsibilities both parties incur when such an agreement
is struck.
When
Bob Whitehouse dropped Plame's identity on Miller, he immediately
breached his contract with her. An agreement of confidentiality
binds both parties, not just the reporter. When the source
swears the journalist to secrecy, he/she incurs an obligation
to behave ethically, as well. A reporter's good faith oath
isn't a license of indenture, and it may not be played in
bad faith to place a reporter in undue jeopardy. If Whitehouse
breaks that trust, the reporter is no longer under any obligation
whatsoever to protect his name.
Miller
needed to step back and say "thanks Bob, but no thanks --
you're the story now." Reporters are obligated to the truth,
and allowing themselves to be pimped by those who would use
them as tools against the truth is a crime against the profession
and the society it serves. Protecting that which you are bound
to expose is malpractice.
As
somebody who has given and honored his word many times, I
can respect that somebody is willing to go to jail rather
than do something they see as reflecting on their reputations.
But in doing so, you may be acting on a personal principle,
not an industry code. The distinction is important.
There
are few things in our entire culture that are more essential
than the freedoms codified in the 1st Amendment. Press freedom
isn't just important to democracy, it's a prerequisite. Further,
I'm all in favor of doing anything we can to encourage whistle-blowers
in this age of high governmental and corporate kleptocracy.
Most editorials and comments I'm seeing this last week or
two insist that the Plame case is about just these issues.
I
don't buy it. From where I sit, Miller went to jail not to
protect the name of a source, but to protect the name of a
former source who may be a felon.
I
share the concerns of journalists across the country. The
press is under attack, and it's a war that must be won. But
this isn't very good terrain from which to launch a counter-attack.
To
put it in Texas Hold-em terms, if you're going to go all-in,
you better have something more than a pair of deuces.
This
commentaryoriginally appeared in the
Editor & Publisher online edition.
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